The Death of Napoleon: such a big mystery?
When Napoleon died at St. Helena, the question of the causes of his death soon became a subject of debate. Cancer? Poison? These only evocations excite passions, because Bonaparte passed master in the art - beyond his death - to feed his own legend. Who would not try to imagine a romantic ending at the height of this extraordinary character?
Napoleon Bonaparte dies in St. Helena
On May 5th, 1821 at 5:49 pm, he died at the age of 51, the man who dominated most of Europe for a time. Arousing as much admiration, fear as hatred (the great authors such as Tolstoï, Germaine de Stael or Chateaubriand left us with strong memories), the exiled Emperor dies, however, after long suffering in his home in Longwood without even leaving a good word for posterity (his last words were confused and unintelligible).
Since March, Napoleon was bedridden and was less and less supportive of food, weakening rapidly. Persuaded for a long time that the evil that took away his father (a stomach cancer) would eventually defeat himself, he refused in the last month before his death most of the medications prescribed by his doctors. Nevertheless, the latter decided on May 4th to override the clear will of Napoleon I, agreeing with very poor common sense on the administration of a dose of calomel diluted in a glass of water. Only Dr. François Antommarchi (1780/89 – 1838) fiercely opposed it without winning any success. Louis-Joseph-Narcisse Marchand (1791 – 1876), faithful companion of the emperor, was charged with giving the secret remedy, mission which he acquitted painfully when Bonaparte, having drunk the contents of the glass said to him “with a tone of so affectionate reproach […]: “Are you misleading on me too?” Marchand, deeply moved, was indeed failing in his promise not to administer anything to him without his permission. The calomel certainly had an effect but probably not what we expected and so that May 5th late afternoon, Napoleon gave his last breathe. When midnight was over, the body was moved, then washed to purify it with the cologne that so he loved mixed with a little water from the Torbett Fountain.
Although the last will of the emperor was to be buried in France, the British government strongly opposed it through the governor of the island who however left free the relatives of the deceased to choose a place of burial at St. Helena.
Napoleon had discovered the Torbett fountain a few years before in the company of Henri-Gatien Bertrand (1773 – 1884) and recommended that: “if after [his] death, [his] body remains in the hands of [his] enemies, [they] should drop him off here.” The place thus imposed itself. The upholsterer Andrew Darling, who supervised the making of the coffins notes that he was told that “the coffins were to be the first in tinplate, upholstered in cotton-padded satin, with a little mattress and pillow in the back made of the same materials; the second of wood; the third lead; and finally a casket of mahogany covered with purple velvet, if it could be obtained.” Mahogany being a rare wood on the island, a table of this essence was sacrificed for the making of the last coffin.
After the autopsy of Napoleon, the heart and the stomach were placed in two vases of silver, filled with spirit of wine. These vases were hermetically sealed and placed in the coffin. The successive coffins were sealed in the same way. A lot of precautions were taken to make the tomb of Napoleon an impregnable fortress (one sank the cement in the pit before laying three heavy slabs and a gate of cast iron). The stele, however, remained silent since – without being a surprise – the English and French never agreed on the inscription, which would indicate the identity of the deceased as accurately as possible; each nation having a very firm idea of what it meant by “accurately”.
Napoleon prepares his legend
Long before he died, and even when he was at St. Helena, the emperor remained a fierce opponent of the English. The decision to isolate him in the middle of the Atlantic was therefore the least they can do and surely the British were not surprised to see the rare talent that Napoleon deployed to systematically undermine their authority. Emmanuel Las Cases (1766 – 1842) testifies in his memoirs of the treasures of inventiveness deployed by Bonaparte to give Europe the image of a dishonorable captivity, making the English revolting characters and completely devoid of humanity. Yet the reality was quite different and Napoleon was treated well despite some financial questions and etiquette that often put Bonaparte in a rage (the English in charge of his surveillance opposed him with consistency and determination the title of “general” when Bonaparte required that of “emperor” which he considered legitimate). Thus, our Corsican made for example sell his silverware on the place of Jamestown to make believe that he was at the last levels of poverty. The merchants returning from the Indies were, without them’s knowing, to play the role of gossips in Europe and to spread the infamous news. Jean Tulard, historian and specialist of Napoleon I, also recalls that Napoleon gave “an odious role to Hudson Lowe (1769 – 1844), who by the way, was not a monster of finesse”. While before embarking on Île d’Aix in July 1815, Napoleon I had refused several plans for escape, “it was better for his legend that he died, as he will say, murdered by the British government” recalls Pierre Branda, a French historian specializing in the Consulate and the First Empire.
What is Napoleon Bonaparte dead?
Unless one desecrates the tomb of the Invalides, will we ever know it with certainty? Nevertheless, the many accounts of his relatives and witnesses of his burial and his, to say the least, confrontational relations with his phlegmatic British jailers further guide the trail of the investigation to a death of pathological cause than to that of a perfidious poisoning. Of course, this last theory has something to seduce! Can a historical figure of this stature die stupidly from a failing stomach? It would seem, however, that we had to live with it.
Some people brandish the traces of arsenic detected in his hair but it is quickly forgotten that they were also found in those of Josephine and l’Aiglon. It is also unaware that in the 19th century arsenic was widespread in a role other than poison, so much so that it was often stored in the kitchen (and sometimes served as an unfortunate or criminal ingredient of an an undesirable gastronomy). It was used to make candles, cigarettes, tapestry pigments, dyes, paints and cosmetics. Many locks of hair of the imperial head were studied. It is almost systematically concluded that the doses were certainly high, but not for the 19th century. On the other hand, since the hair roots showed traces of arsenic, some people argued that this was proof that Napoleon had ingested the poison by food or wine. It had first been necessary for the poisoner to be a close relative of the emperor and to show extreme patience, for the man would certainly not die struck down by so small doses of arsenic, unless one envisages long-term poisoning. Unfortunately, the “French service” at the Longwood table (the dishes are presented on the table, people help themselves to dishes), it was necessary that the criminal also poisoned! As Jean Tulard slyly summarizes, either the poisoner was not good at it, or he still took a long time to kill him.
What about the body that was found almost intact in 1840 before his repatriation to the Invalides?
Arsenic, as well as an embalming, is famous for keeping the bodies in good condition. Once again, let us remember that Napoleon was buried, not in one, but in four hermetically sealed coffins. Most likely, a phenomenon of saponification (transformation of the flesh into adipocere) was favored by the absence of air and in this type of case, the good preservation of a body is quite often noted. Would one then enjoy to exchange the body of the sovereign by another less prestigious and bury in the Invalides a cook rather than an emperor? Again, there is no reason to believe this since the exhumation took place in the presence of many witnesses who had seen the imperial body 20 years ago. No one found fault with this, and, having passed the surprise of this astonishing preservation, they easily recognized the famous Napoleon.
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The question of the death of Napoleon I now unleashes the passions and testifies far less to the interest aroused by the emperor than his incredible talent for communicating, he who well before his death, was fully aware of the exceptional nature of his destiny. « My life, What a novel! » He said, dictating his memories to Las Cases during his exile in St. Helena. He could not have been more right: what better novels than those whose end maintains the mystery?
Creation of the Bank of France by Napoleon Bonaparte
In this very young XIXth century, the moribund economy post Revolution urged the First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte to create the Bank of France January 18th, 1800 to promote the economic recovery of the country. The thrifty Napoleon wanted to create a stable and strong value in the heart of an institution that should not serve as a fund to the state but to promote its businesses.
A Stormy Political and Economic Context
The XVIIIth century was not beneficial to paper money. Scalded by the financial scandal of John Law (1671 – 1729) in 1720, the French had plenty of time to confirm their aversion to printed money when they were fooled a second time with brandishing revolutionary assignats that were nothing else than a lightning and spectacular inflation. Some, however, got rich. Among them, the Swiss financier Jean-Frédéric Perregaux (1744 – 1808). Precisely preceding the perpetual neutrality that will later make the pride of his native Switzerland, our Helvetian, who, before the Revolution, mixed with the world’s most popular aristocratic circles, was careful not to display too clearly his political opinions during the brutal change of regime. He preferred, as many at that time, to adapt them to the necessities of the moment. It was certainly the right move since the members of the nobility – fiercely attached to their heads – were quick to flee abroad taking care to carry with them a considerable part of the metal currency of the late Kingdom of France. A financial crisis hit the people, who – having nothing to fear for their own head – had everything to fear for their finances. In an extremely unfavorable economic climate, bankruptcies were numerous and internal trade paralyzed. The Directory was unable to remedy the problem in a sustainable way and it was not until the Brumaire coup (November 9-10th, 1799) to see the emergence of hope for a government stability essential to an economic recovery of the country. It was then that our dashing Swiss banker approached Bonaparte, the context and Napoleon smiling at him in concert.
Perregaux and a few banker friends (Le Couteulx, Mallet and Perier) first obtained the right to print bank notes for their own establishment named Caisse des Comptes Courants. They aim to collect the savings then hoarded by individuals and increase the amount of money in circulation. The Banque de France was created on 18th January 1800 by decree and quickly absorbed the Caisse des Comptes Courants. The very young Banque de France settled in the Hôtel de Toulouse, rue de la Vrillière in Paris, of course.
The first Consul wanted to be cautious and wanted to guarantee the stability and reliability of this new institution. The first issues of notes were thus guaranteed to find their equivalent in quantity of gold of the same value to any person who wished it. To proceed to the exchange, one should simply go to the Rue de la Vrillière. It was all about the reputation of the bank and its future, the first Consul was perfectly aware. The French, who enjoyed nothing less than being fooled three times in a row, were at first extremely suspicious. Then little by little, confidence returned. It must be said that Bonaparte’s personal, hard-hitting and irresistible involvement had something to do with this success. He placed some of his own funds in trust with the Bank and persuaded his family and relatives to do the same. The transaction, together with the capital contributed by wealthy shareholders, provided the institution with considerable capital, which was necessary to establish its essential importance. Soon, the Bank of France was the only bank authorized to issue monetary values hence its name “central bank”.
The main clients of the bank were ordinary banks, whose business was to lend money to individuals and businesses. The principle was therefore based on the promise of repayment made by the borrower to his banker, a promise referred to as a “bill of exchange”. At the same time, ordinary banks needed money to lend to new customers. They needed to have sufficient financial reserves to act without waiting for borrower clients to repay their debts. Ordinary banks turned to the Banque de France and bought him notes in exchange for the bills of exchange they had at their disposal. Naturally, the amount of money increased in the country and allowed to revive commerce and industry. In turn, the latter made profits that were inevitably taxed. Finally, the increasing value of taxes levied by the state allowed the country to get rich and the First Consul to finance his army (and not his campaigns).
The Franc Germinal, a Reliable Economic Value
The first notes issued by the Bank of France were of such value that they were not accessible to all. The 500-franc notes represented a little more than a year’s salary for a worker, and that of 1000 was equivalent to double the work, naturally. Not being convertible into gold elsewhere than in Paris, the notes further restricted the circle of lovers of bundles. These notes occupied so well the only high Parisian business that they had confused any merchant if a citizen would have the idea to give one of these papers to pay for a chicken (not far from becoming Marengo).
On the other hand, the memory of John Law and the revolutionary assignats remained tenacious, and the French countryside still preferred metallic values for their trade. The Revolution, by a law of August 15th, 1795 had already decided to replace the livre tournois by the “franc d’argent” but its will alone was not enough. Indeed, the fiery and first Republic had that in common with Josephine de Beauharnais (1763 – 1814) at the same time that no one had enough money – metal for one, ready for the other – to satisfy their needs. It was thus necessary to wait for the 7th germinal year XI (March 28th, 1803) to see reappear this franc which borrowed at its date of creation the name under which it will exercise until 1928 namely, the franc “germinal”.
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Manufacturing and Security of Monetary Values
The first two banknotes put into circulation by the Banque de France represented considerable sums. From then on, everything had to be done to prevent as much as possible the appearance of false. The paper was first produced at the stationery of Buges in Loiret but it was quickly preferred that of the paper mill of the Marais at Jouy-sur-Morin. The addition of a watermark between the two sheets of paper constituting each note was one of the first security provisions. Then came the quality of the drawing for which Charles Percier (1764 – 1838) was called upon. This neoclassical architect who had distinguished himself in his achievements for financiers working alongside the First Consul was not long to be warmly recommended to the latter who praised his talents for a long time. The engraving of the matrix was entrusted to Jean-Bertrand Andrieu (1761 – 1822) who took as a support a steel plate to guarantee an inking always equal. Finally, the engraving typography returned to Firmin Didot (1764 – 1836) whose name is still well known today by lovers of prints and old editions. A stub was added, a dry stamp (embossing the paper obtained with a press) and a wet stamp (a technique for printing simultaneously on the front and back).
As for the symbolism of the chosen motifs, we find the strong influence of the Roman Empire (tinged with the neoclassical taste born from the excavations of Herculaneum and Pompeii in the XVIIIth century). Compass and square evoke the tools of the builders using geometry and architecture, while the rooster emblem of France rubs shoulders with the scale of Justice. The divinities represented are those that the great estates considered as constituting a strong state in the XIXth century: Vulcan for industry, Apollo for the arts, Ceres for agriculture and Poseidon for the colonial empire.
Metal coins are subject to the same concerns, both security and symbolism. The Republican motifs were replaced at the obverse of the pieces by Bonaparte’s bare-headed profile – whose engraver, General Pierre-Joseph Tiolier (1763 – 1819) painted the portrait – accompanied by a legend “Bonaparte First Consul”. The reverse was an olive crown, the face value of the coin and the legend “French Republic”. Of course, an imperial proclamation will be enough for the motives of coins and notes to be changed once more.
The creation of the Banque de France had a decisive impact on the country’s economy and its imperial expansion (although it did not finance them, the Emperor always defended it). Paper money improved, gaining security and discouraging counterfeiters. However, in 1959, the Bank of France issued a 100 franc note of Napoleon. This note made famous the forger Czesław Jan Bojarski (1912 – 2003) who made a specialty of the falsification of these “Bonaparte notes”. His mastery in this field is still unchallenged and unmatched. These fakes are now rare and expensive collectibles. An irony of history that certainly did not escape the Emperor if he had been alive to appreciate it.
The Renewal of Eau de Cologne
Previous century was not gentle with the Cologne. Mocked by a perfumery that swore by heady and featureless fragrances, the discreet Cologne was patient until it wins its spurs today. An esthete scent which prefers to accompany the toilet rather than oppose the perfume.
A Modern Water
The modernity of the cologne paradoxically resides in its age. For almost two centuries, the most chic bathrooms have given it a place of choice. The large retailers, without being able to seize it, damaged in the eyes of the public the elegant image of this fresh water. Designed from natural ingredients, Cologne meets our modern wishes to return to more simplicity. Down with formulas whose “active principles” are more incomprehensible than a quantum physics equation! Some citrus fruits, plants, a hint of spices make the recipe simple and yet refined with a water that is more for well-being than for appearance. The cologne is a selfish pleasure: it accompanies ablutions, this moment that prepares us to get out of our intimacy, venturing out in the open air. Its solar freshness awakens the senses and contact with water that is poured generously on the skin is not far to evoke the regressive games of water battles.
While perfumery likes to differentiate the woman from the man, the cologne does not care about gender. Establishing parity before the hour, it seduces us with this phlegm that prefers relaxation and hedonism to calculated seduction. It pleases by its simplicity which does not lack character, by its mischievous modesty. It is also this ingenuity that allows to offer a bouquet of shaded scents. The luxury industry made no mistake about it.
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A Refined Water
It is no longer a luxery firm that can refuse to have its own cologne. As a curious becomes an esthete as he goes along the subtleties of an art, many discover the elegance of the Cologne after having to face the impasse existing between a perfume which, on one hand, requires to get ones dressed to be worn and, on the other, the soft, unattractive smell of soap. Not everyone is Marilyn Monroe enough to think that Chanel No. 5 is suitable for all occasions. However, this is the first quality of the cologne: its lightness and simplicity make it the ideal fragrance in a daily where the perfume would be too pretentious. During relaxation moments, at the end of a sports session or simply for pleasure of contact with it, this water leaves on the skin a clean smell that resonates with lightness. The fresh notes exhale when we sprinkle it on our skin and its modesty leaves the wake back when ablutions are done. Cologne does not intend to perfume, it elegantly radiates a moment but knows the value of discretion. Napoleon, who copiously sprinkled himself with it, did not deny it that quality, he who had a horror of heady perfumes. The cologne awakened him without distracting him with catchy scents. Fresh without being banal, Cologne embodies an ideal of modernity where the sophistication is well matched with ingenuity.
New Year's Eve at Saint Helena
First half of the XIXth century still ignores the festivities of Christmas without being spared - at least in the wealthiest social classes - by distribution of gifts on New Year. This tradition of New Year's Eve also follows Napoleon in the latitudes of St. Helena. To offer New Year's gift meant to maintain his rank, a respect of etiquette rather than a necessity for the Emperor who did not confess fallen.
New Year's Eve at St. Helena.
Freshly landed at St. Helena on October 17th, 1815, Napoleon did not arrive alone. His little entourage knew the greatness of the Empire; it is certainly inconceivable for Bonaparte to make them witnesses of any decay of his person. As soon as he took possession of Longwood’s residence, the Emperor reinstated the strict etiquette that governed life in the Tuileries palace. But this etiquette that we think at first binding for his entourage was just as much for him. In applying it, Napoleon was well aware of the duties that he would impose upon him during his exile. On December 10th, 1815, day when he moved to Longwood, the imminence of the new year is only felt too much. But the perfidious Albion seemed to decide to insidiously disturb this tradition by choosing for land of exile that arid St. Helena on which no goldsmith or jeweler, artist or upholsterer had ever had the happy idea of establishing himself on the island. It is therefore in his personal belongings and the precious relics of his sumptuous past that Napoleon will draw to honor his little court.
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The gifts offered by Napoléon in Saint Helena.
We unfortunately do not know exactly the furniture and objects hastily carried away by Napoleon and his companions in exile when leaving for Saint Helena. And for good reason, most were purely and simply stolen by the faithful of the Emperor for the sole purpose of pleasing him. The journals and archives of those who had the honor of being admitted in the presence of Napoleon during his exile report some of the gifts he made on the occasion of the New Year. Emmanuel de Las Cases (1766 – 1842) notes in his diary on December 30th, 1815 that he was offered by the Emperor “a small gift, very slight indeed”, according to Napoleon himself, consisting of a monthly salary levied on a sum stolen from English vigilance. In January 1816 Bonaparte offered to Jane and Betsy Balcombe, daughters of William Balcombe (1777 – 1829), agent of the East India Company who welcomed Napoleon in his Saint Helena’s home at the end of 1815, two cups from the Cabaret Égyptien, pieces from the porcelain service of Sèvres which the Emperor held so much that he refused to use it on a daily basis for fear of breaking it.
The so-called “headquarters” (Quartiers Généraux) service – which did not know any Saint-Helene dishes for the same reasons as those which prohibited the use of the Cabaret Égyptien– was also cut off from certain pieces the following year when, for their presents, Napoleon offered to each Madame de Montholon and Madame Bertrand a plate from the precious service. That same month of January 1817, the Baron Gourgaud (1783 – 1852) reports that the Emperor offered more personal objects: to Madame Bertrand a candy box formerly offered by Pauline Bonaparte and to Gourgaud an spyglass that the Emperor held from the Queen of Naples, her youngest sister. To Bertrand he offered a game of chess and then played a party with him after the distribution of gifts. In January 1818, the New Year’s day is reduced to candies contradicting the very adventurous predictions of Madame Bertrand, who was expecting “sumptuous gifts” ; it is difficult to understand from where this idea came from given the geographical location of the island. These testimonies of happy moments illuminate the often dull idea that everyone has of Bonaparte’s exile. The habits dear to the Emperor remain despite the restrictions. Exile is thus colored with those charming and bourgeois moments that make daily life more bearable, revealing the intimate face of a Bonaparte whom appears as imperial as he is attentive.
Napoleon Bonaparte's emblems : between simplicity and erudition
Napoleon I forged his own emblems far from those too connoted of the Ancien Régime. The young Emperor intends to offer new perspectives to France history whose values are now supported by strong legible and historical symbols.
The antique influence.
Already consul Bonaparte (1799 – 1804) make clear, in his choice of furniture and art objects, an assurance which supported a broader thought in the matter of political will. Once Emperor, his architects and decorators Percier (1764 – 1838) and Fontaine (1762 – 1853) undertook to impose an official style flow with tastes of Roman antiquity. Massive mahogany and marble furniture evoked ancient temples, the luxurious sobriety of gilded bronzes borrowed the decorations of Republican Rome while the golden yellow, green, crimson and purple colors drew on the newly discovered frescoes of Herculaneum and Pompeii. It was at the dawn of his coronation that arose the thorny problem of the future imperial emblems. Everyone went there with his animal; the least chauvinists proposed the lion or the elephant while the most patriotic have their heart set on rooster. Others, probably more bucolic, suggested the oak. While the gallinace seemed to prevail for a time, it was ousted by the lion, itself scratched by the hand of Napoleon who preferred the eagle. The eagle which was also the emblem of imperial Rome elegantly associated the high antiquity and the traditional heraldry through the evocation of the Carolingian eagle.
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Clear and erudite symbols.
If the eagle is emblematic of the reign of the Emperor, some symbols more directly evoke Bonaparte. First of all, let us quote the laurel wreath superbly presented during the coronation of the Emperor, where the latter’s head, laureled with gold leaf – art work of the great goldsmith Biennais (1764 – 1843) – gave this historical moment a grandiose character inherited from the ancient panache.
For this mythological attribute of Apollo celebrated in Rome both poets and victorious warlords: the evergreen foliage symbolized the immortality acquired by victory. Honorary and prestigious award attributed to the great military characters and, consequently, to the Emperor, the laurel wreath never lost its superb and reached the XIXth century with the same freshness, enriched only by the idealized glory of the Roman Empire.
Bees, for their part, were recognized for their organization, their hard work and their ability to sacrifice for the common interest of their hive. Nothing less than an ideal patriotic symbol, especially as they held from the Church a divine connotation (they carry the Word of God and wisdom to St. Ambrose and John Chrysostom). Moreover, it is believed (until recently) that the gold insects found in 1653 in the tomb of Childeric I – the not very famous founder of the Merovingian dynasty and father of Clovis – were bees. But it turns out that the latter were actually cicadas. Either, Childéric’s bees were considered as the first emblem of the sovereigns of France. It was enough to sit our Emperor in the natural continuity of ruling power without vexing the religious power. Thus linked to idealized antiquity and to history, if not entomological, at least French, Napoleon Bonaparte had only to engrave his name in history. What he did literally. His number (the letter N) was indeed carved on the facades of the Louvre. Nevertheless, the avenging Bourbon, once returned to the throne, hastened to hammer the imperial letter wherever it was. Thus, most of the “N” that adorn the Louvre today are those of Napoleon III and not those of his uncle emperor. Finally, last symbol and not least, the crowned “N” found on the coins of that period. This crown, now preserved in the Louvre, was only used on the coronation day. Called the Couronne de Charlemagne, it presents a timeless medieval look with eight half-arches of gold adorned with cameos; a globe surmounted by a cross completes the work drawn by Percier. Placed above the head of the Emperor, already surrounded by laurels, the crown tied ancient glory, history and patriotism all the ceremony long.
This set of symbols produced a simple speech, clear and powerful as the juxtaposition of its elements instantly evokes, and still does today, the Emperor Napoleon I.
Longwood House
When Napoleon Bonaparte arrived on October 17th, 1815 at his place of exile while his residence at Saint Helena was not yet ready. He moved to Longwood two months later on December 10th, 1815 and remained there until his death on May 5th, 1821. Between piteous furniture and glorious memories of the past, the interior of this dilapidated Longwood was both a disrespectful prison and cradle of the myth birth.
Between respect and bitterness: the British reluctance to keep its commitments to its famous prisoner.
Longwood House is from Napoleon’s arrival a second rate house poorly built where water seeps everywhere. During the 68 months in which Bonaparte was confined there, many rotting pieces of furniture were burned, repaired or redone. Far from the vast and comfortable palaces of Saint-Cloud or the Tuileries, this house of 150 m2was, in the opinion of all, as deposed he was. Longwood was divided into an antechamber, which became a billiard room in 1816 (Napoleon nevertheless used it as a “topographic salon”), a lounge, a dining room, a study, a bedroom, a library, and a bathroom with copper tub. The English, who were obliged to cover the expenses of Bonaparte’s imprisonment, did not shine here by their fair play. In addition to the dilapidated decay of Longwood, the attentive observer will note in Sir George Cockburn (1772 – 1853) – in charge of finding all the necessary furniture – a certain resentment towards our Corsican since he acquired at a low price from the local disparate furniture that they themselves held thanks to their haggling with the British, Dutch, Portuguese and American ships passing on the island for supplies. Some of the finest furniture on loan from the East India Company came to enrich the house interior, as well as some of those specially designed by George Bullock (1778-1818), a London cabinetmaker, originally intended to furnish Longwood New House, a residence under construction when Bonaparte arrived but in which he will never live.
This shameful disrepair in the eyes of the French as of those of several English visitors nevertheless found a major adversary in the strict imperial etiquette applied throughout the estate, in the splendor of the furniture and objects brought back from France and in the very dignity of the imperial prisoner.
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Luxurious reminders of the reign, a fertile ground for the birth of the Napoleonic myth.
Sir Hudson Lowe (1769 – 1844), governor of the island from 1816, was the first offended that the rank of the general was not respected in the layout of Longwood itself. By way of compensation, he offered Bonaparte a large billiard table and two important globes, one terrestrial, the other celestial. Then, on the ordinary wooden furniture, on the mahogany consoles, the relics of the Napoleonic reign helped to hide the British failure. The diaphanous marble bust of the King of Rome, sparkling pendulum in gilded bronze and enamel, majestic eagle sculpture in silver, luxurious gold sword and damascened steel – a unique artwork of Biennais (1764 – 1843) – lend their magnificence to the embellishment of an everyday life punctuated by the writing of Napoleon’s memoirs.
In the uses, the particular service of the Emperor realized in the finest porcelain of the imperial manufacture of Sèvres, the elegant crystal glassware or even pieces of the coffee service called “Cabaret Égyptien“, also of the manufacture of Sèvres and which Napoleon appreciated so much, allowed to establish the dignity of a man who intends to remain sovereign until his last breath. Witnesses of his past glory and his myth to be born, his campaign bed, “this old friend he preferred to any other” according to Louis-Joseph Marchand (1791 – 1876), in which he breathed his last, is still exhibited in Longwood while his beloved Athenian is now presented at the Louvre.
Athenian of Napoleon Bonaparte
While France leaves Ancien Regime to turn in a 19th century full of promises, habits regarding hygiene change slowly. Water takes a new place at the center of daily custom. Vases, basins and Athenian enhance water making it a symbol of freshness, purity and simplicity essential to the most refined people.
Simple use in a sophisticated furniture
We know the meticulous care that Napoleon took to his personal hygiene. In life as in war he promoted efficiency without losing sight of the importance of etiquette: if his ability to live as a soldier made him popular with his troops, his attachment to objects of power made him an experienced politician. This Athenian, a luxury basin for ablutions, admirably fulfilled these two requirements of efficiency and representation. He found it so much to his liking that from the Tuileries at the time of French Consulate to St. Helena, the imperial Athenian will follow the Emperor to the peaks at his fall. On drawings by Charles Percier (1764 – 1838), the tabletmaker Martin-Guillaume Biennais (1764 – 1843) put all his talent at the service of this luxury furniture made of bronze, silver and yew. Elegant gilt bronze swans display majestic wings to support a silver basin carved with reed patterns.
The silver ewer used to pour the water for Napoleon’s ablutions rests on the tablet decorated with dolphin at its angles. While fine bees – emblems of the Emperor – in gilded bronze adorn the Athenian, dolphins, reeds and swans evoke the aquatic world, the freshness of the lakes and rivers, poetic metaphor of the use intended to this piece of furniture.
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Such a sweet theft
In his Mémoires, Louis-Joseph-Narcisse Marchand (1791-1873), first manservant of Napoleon tells how, at the end of the Cent-Jours (June 1815), he stole the Athenian at the Palace of the Elysée – furniture that would have been inevitably confiscated – before the deposed Emperor was exiled to St. Helena. Marchand testifies “The Emperor had praised this piece of furniture for his use, I knew what privation it would be for him, he liked after his beard, to put his face in a lot of water […] in the thought of being pleasant to him, I had it brought to my carriage, and I covered it with my cloak so as not to arouse the attention of the passers-by of Paris and on the road.”
There is no doubt that Napoleon praised the attentiveness and delicacy of his faithful manservant! The harshness of island life was certainly softened by the use of this magnificent tripod basin, a practice which, as we know, Bonaparte systematically accompanied with Cologne, which he was so fond of and use to say, at least, in a gargantuan way.
The Athenian today preserved in the Louvre Museum was one of the rare goods for which Napoleon was fond of. He testifies it in his will where “the inventory of [his] effects that Marchand will keep to give to [his] son” states that he bequeaths to the King of Rome (1811 – 1832), his son “[his] sink, his water pot and his foot.”
The Arrival of Napoleon at St. Helena
Following the Hundred Days (from March to July 1815) - the short period in which Napoleon regained power after his second abdication - the decisive defeat of Waterloo (June 22nd, 1815) is paid a heavy price by victors. The casualties were enough to prove that Napoleon represented a threat to future European peace unless he was sent to a reclusive land far from everything. For the Emperor, even vanquished, seemed to have the same determination as the phoenix to reborn from ashes.
Exile Required by the European Powers.
While the defeat of Waterloo sign the imminent end of the Hundred Days, Napoleon surrendered voluntarily to the English who has the responsibility to choose his place of exile. While the fallen Emperor hopes to be sent to the United States, Great Britain is responsible for keeping him in good guard before the place where he will be sent is determined. For the allies and signatories of the Treaty of Paris (which acts the first abdication of Bonaparte on February 10th, 1763) are united in their intransigence in sending Napoleon where he will be totally and certainly unable to return to Europe to sow – according to their fear – disorder and chaos. At the same time, the allies formed by the European rulers do not savour the fervent support received by Napoleon during this last period.
Its perfume inherited from the French Revolution does not, indeed, have the leisure to please them which is confirmed by Bonaparte’s support everywhere in Europe. This support sees in this general having started with nothing one of the most important characters of his time, a precursor for a “modern administration and justice, for the meritocracy and the revolutionary principle of equality before the law. (Alan Forrest, in Napoleon at St. Helena, The Conquest of Memory, Gallimard / Army Museum). In this context, the choice of St. Helena does not appear as obvious as a relief. Behind an altruism of facade that justified this choice by a healthy climate and a distance that would to treat fallen Emperor with a particular indulgence, hides a real desire to isolate the general on a land surrounded by much more waves than his native corsican island.
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The landing of the Emperor at St. Helena.
On the morning of July 15th, 1815, Napoleon embarked on the Bellerophon flying the British flag bound for Plymouth in the south of England, from which he left on Northumberland on August 7th for St. Helena. His journey lasts several months and he finally arrives on the island on October 17th. The Longwood estate which has been attributed to him is not yet ready and he must, pending the end of adjustments, remain in the property of William Balcombe (1777 – 1829), agent of the East India Company with whom he quickly becomes friends. On December 10th, 1815, the deposed Emperor can finally move into his last home in Longwood, a house without comfort that the small circle of his faithful will strive to soften until the last breath of the general.
In order to please him, domestic service is quickly put in place. The interior and exterior service is provided by Louis-Joseph Marchand (1791 – 1876), Napoleon’s first dedicated and faithful manservant since the age of 20. He is assisted in his task by the Mamluk Ali (1788 – 1856) with whom he befriended. Butler Cipriani and chef Michel Lepage provide the food service while four manservant maintain fires, light candles, set tables and meet the demands of the Emperor and his officers.
Although his entourage is devoted body and soul to his well-being (even to recreate his cologne!), Napoleon can not ignore the control of his mail, his strictly supervised walks or the supervisory of his House spending. Bonaparte died on this isolated island in May 1821 at the same time that his legend was born on the continent that had exiled him.
The Life of the Mamluk Ali (1788 - 1856)
A key figure in the history of Napoleon on Saint Helena, we owe him the creation of the Eau de Cologne of the Exiled Emperor. Faithful servant, discreet handyman and apostle of the Napoleonic legend, Mamelouk Ali has oriental only the title: of his real name Louis-Étienne Saint-Denis, the young man was initially intended for the notary.
A Peaceful and Privileged Youth.
His father, a former « piqueur » (a man in charge of training and exercising horses) of the stables of Versailles under Louis XVI became under the Ancien Régime horse-riding teacher, which earned him a certain notoriety. His mother being the daughter of an officer of the royal kitchens at the castle, the young Louis-Étienne received an education (which is already in itself a privilege) and moreover a conscientious education (which touches on exceptional for the time).
Well educated, the young man is sent as a notary clerk in an office in Paris, an activity whose most adventurous aspect was probably to survive from it. He remained there four years before his father, through Armand Augustin Louis Caulaincourt (1773 – 1827), diplomat and Grand Écuyer of Napoleon I, granted Louis-Étienne a place in the imperial service. In 1812 the latter is promoted as porte-arquebuse. But it was two years later, in 1814, that his life changed and offered him a place closer to the Emperor.
Louis-Étienne Saint-Denis becomes Mamluk Ali.
The Mamelukes are, as everyone knows, members of a militia formed of freed slaves in the service of sovereigns. During the Egyptian expedition (1798 – 1801), Napoleon inflicted a heavy defeat on the Mamelukes of Egypt, some of whom joined his ranks. In the summer of 1799, after his victories, a magnificent horse and his groom, a young Mamluk named Raza Roustam (1783 – 1845) were offered to Napoleon. Roustam brings a touch of exoticism that appreciates Bonaparte and quickly becomes the protégé of the general, his bodyguard and his faithful servant. Fidelity that will end during the attempted suicide of the Emperor in April 1814, the day after the signing of the Treaty of Fontainebleau (April 11 1814) which act the abdication of Napoleon and his exile on the island of Elba.
Worried that he could be accused of murder if the event was to happen again, Mamluk Roustam abandoned his benefactor. It is then Louis-Etienne Saint-Denis who takes his place of 1st Mamluk under the name of Ali, nickname he will keep until the end of his life, which was not the case of his oriental costume that he stopped wearing as soon as he arrived in St. Helena. From that day of April he never left the Emperor, to whom he showed himself devoted and indefatigable. During the exile, he befriended Louis-Joseph Marchand (1791 – 1876) with whom he endeavored to soften as much as possible the captivity of the fallen Emperor. Mamluk Ali became Longwood’s copyist and librarian of which he drew up the complete catalog. From his knowledge of the library, his resourcefulness, his intelligence and his improbable olfactory memory that we owe him the formula of Napoleon’s Eau de Cologne at St. Helena.
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The formula of remembrance.
Harvesting herbs, flowers and bark, diligently studying the books at his disposal, Mamluk Ali managed to formulate a hesperidian recipe to offer Napoleon the only olfactory comfort that he had anymore access to since his forced retirement. The Emperor’s considerable use of Cologne and the eagerness of his faithful servants to provide him with all possible means, even if they were to manufacture it themselves, are proof of importance of the fragrance in the life of Napoleon. It certainly took a number of unsuccessful attempts before reaching the much sought-after recipe. The precious formula probably contributed to the well-being of the Emperor. Thus Mamluk Ali jealously kept it all his life, so that it was found at the end of the 20th century when his personal belongings were sold during an auction sale. Sheltered in a trunk, the passionate purchaser of Napoleonic history discovered the formula, Napoleon’s unique olfactory memory. A treasure today resurrected.
Scents of Saint-Helena island
Modest island in the middle of Atlantic Ocean, 2000 kilometers from Africa and 3000 kilometers from Brazil, the British Saint Helena does not offer the tropical climate that one would expect. Probably a chance for the Mameluck Ali (1788 - 1856) who found the necessary ingredients for the empirical reconstitution of the Emperor's Eau de Cologne.
England, a precious help in the import of the necessary ingredients for Cologne.
Discovered in the 16th century by a Portuguese navigator, the island surprises by its temperate climate, its fresh water and its prodigality. Famous sailors, the British seized St. Helena in the 17th century and have the favourable idea to introduce lemon trees, essential ingredient in the Eau de Cologne. Then it is the spirited botanist William John Burchell (1781 – 1863) who settles on the island to study the flora from 1805 to 1810. Five years during which our scientist introduced plants from around the world, revealing a perfect unconsciousness as to risks that his experiments would put on the endemic species. Ironically, the subjects of the perfidious Albion prepared the ground for the future conception of Eau de Cologne.
Then it is François Antommarchi (1780 or 1789 – 1838), doctor by profession, who was dispatched on the island in 1819 by Maria Letizia Bonaparte (1750 – 1836), the Emperor’s mother. During this stay, he wrote a “Sketch of the flora of St. Helena” published in 1825 and whose spiteful English say that it is a “work of mediocre quality” (William Botting Hemsley, botanist) but that does not matter, it is enough for us to foresee the ingredients to which the Mamelouk Ali had access to reproduce the Emperor’s dear Cologne.
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The Mediterranean flora of Saint Helena.
Cologne is composed of citrus, bergamot, rosemary, orange blossom, lavender and cinnamon. Each recipe introduces variants by adding or removing ingredients. The Mameluck Ali was not unaware of this when he undertook to reproduce the fragrance. Thus, the work of Antommarchi allows us to apprehend the flora to which the budding perfumer had access. Melissa, false marjoram (but as well odoriferous), thyme, rosemary, wormwood, angelica, nutmeg, lemon peel and wallflower (which flowers have a scent resembling that of clove) grew freely and at hand. As for the aromatics often used in the preparation of the Cologne (cinnamon and cardamom in particular), it is very conceivable that the supply of the island by the ships of the British East India Company provided the lack of these ingredients.
If Napoleon quickly challenged the medical skills of Antommarchi, he certainly does not question his taste for botany that, perhaps, participated in the improvement of the Mameluck recipe.